The payroll of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel is worth millions and involves police officers and hundreds of employees.
It was to be expected, but it remains significant in illustrating the scope of the transnational criminal organization that for 14 years was led by Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, also known as Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, “El Mencho.”
The Army seized various documents from two properties where the capo was temporarily living in Tapalpa, Jalisco, nearly three hours from Guadalajara.
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The payroll lists alleged military personnel, officials from the Federal Attorney General’s Office, municipal police officers, and hundreds of accomplices, from “lookouts” to operational commanders such as “El Sapo” and “El Meño.”
These documents, handwritten or typed, reflect a small portion of the CJNG’s earnings in Jalisco alone.
From the municipalities of Tapalpa and Cocula alone, according to the evidence, the CJNG earned 17,127,000 pesos last December.
All of this came from the sale of cocaine, “crystal meth,” and “slot machines,” which are generally gambling machines.
In December, Hugo César Macías Ureña, known as “El Tuli,” who was killed in El Grullo on February 22, 2026—the same day “El Mencho” fell—generated 300,000 pesos in profit.
He was carrying 7 million pesos in cash plus nearly one million dollars when he fled Tapalpa and was intercepted by Army Special Forces in El Grullo.
Although “El Mencho” had around 63 people guarding and supporting him in Tapalpa, with a combined payroll of 291,000 pesos per month, they were unable to stop the operation that ended with his death.
All of this is detailed in the papers seized by authorities.
The documents list the names of scouts and plaza bosses who were supplied with up to one thousand kilograms of drugs, such as Hugo Gonzaloz Mendoza Gaytán, “El Sapo”; Luis Miguel Pelayo, “El Meño,” plaza boss in Autlán; Francisco Javier Gudiño Haro, “La Gallina,” regional leader; and Jesús Ambriz Cano, “El Yogurt.”
All of this information is being analyzed by FEMDO to serve as evidence in building organized crime cases against CJNG operators.
Another payroll stands out, showing money allegedly distributed to authorities at all levels, including 615,000 pesos to the National Guard in “Mich-Picten”; 75,000 to the National Guard in Autlán; and 20,000 to “Guachito who passes along information.”
Nearly 50 pages detail the daily operations of the criminal group—operations that rarely come to light, no matter how logical they may seem.
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